The U.S. Congress should specifically highlight Chinese economic coercion through hearings and investigations. Despite how long the DIME has been used for describing the instruments of national power, U.S. policymakers and strategists have long understood that there are many more instruments involved in national security policy development and implementation. Still, publics are relatively divided, as no more than half name either country as the top economy in most countries. 6 Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Instruction 3100.01D, Joint Strategic Planning System (Washington, DC: The Joint Staff, July 20, 2018), A-1, available at ; Summary of the 2018 National Defense Strategy of the United States of America: Sharpening the American Militarys Edge (Washington, DC: Department of Defense, 2018), 4, available at . Laying out the instruments of national power and distinguishing between hard and soft approaches is essential to evaluating a grand strategy and proposing the use of instruments to countervail a competing state. The difference is especially pronounced in India, where nearly three-quarters say they have a good economic relationship with the U.S. and about four-in-ten say the same about China, a difference of 35 percentage points. This pattern is reversed in the Middle East and North Africa, where all publics but Israel rate their economic relationships with China more positively. 4 0 obj 7 Financial systems can include formal banking, informal systems, online value storage transfer systems, or cash couriers. Only in Australia and Indonesia do more say Chinas influence is good than say the same about the U.S. Allied partners provide partnerships for intelligence-sharing and verification. The economic IOP is used at the political level to influence the behavior of another state or organization.9 This is normally achieved through foreign aid, trade agreements, tariffs, embargos, or economic sanctions. The first mention of FIL pertaining to the National Security Strategy was in 2003, in a document that called for defeating terrorism through the direct and indirect use of DIME-FIL IOPs.3 Subsequently, similar language appeared in the 2006 National Military Strategic Plan for the war on terror and focused on cooperation among U.S. agencies, coalitions, and partners to integrate all instruments of U.S. and partner national power . For too long Chinese economic coercion has escaped sustained scrutiny. Currently, doctrine and planning emphasize the DIME model.2 The scant literature on IOPs mentions the addition of FIL, but the focus has been its application to combating terrorism. Chinas lead over the U.S. is especially clear in Germany, the Netherlands, the Czech Republic and France, where people are at least 10 percentage points more likely to see China as the leading economy. Update Joint Doctrine with DIME-FIL. But in South Korea and Japan, upwards of nine-in-ten say both superpowers have a great deal of influence. 8 Carl Priechenfried, Untying Our Hands: Untying Cyber as an Instrument of National Power, Masters thesis, Joint Advanced Warfighting School, 2017, available at . endobj When comparing the two superpowers, by a slim margin, more people in the Asia-Pacific region say China plays a large role in their countrys economic conditions (six-country median of 78%) than say the same of the U.S. (74%). In Lebanon, for example, those who say China is the worlds leading economic power are 62 percentage points more likely than those who think the U.S. is the top economy to want strong economic ties with China. This in turn can reduce the suffering of the population and improve U.S. legitimacy and credibility. As the prospect of material gain now looks less promising, nationalism and repression are the most likely instruments of choice for the party to maintain its monopoly on power. Through the diplomatic, intelligence, and financial IOPs, the law enforcement IOP is able to balance enforcing U.S. national laws and sovereignty with adhering to international law to maintain legitimacy while proactively detaining criminals to protect U.S. citizens and assist mission partners with their security needs. For the last two decades, the ascent of China appeared inexorable, but a careful study of its foundations of power yields a more sober conclusion. The preliminary definitions addressed for the finance, intelligence, and law enforcement instruments provide a solid starting point to incorporate and update joint doctrine related to strategy, concepts, and planning. U.S. officials abroad can play an essential role by gathering currently unavailable data and encouraging foreign partners to take preemptive measures. This sense is highest among Israelis, 96% of whom say American-Israeli economic ties are positive. (+1) 202-857-8562 | Fax 9 The relationship with the state or organization could be adversarial, neutral, or friendly. Some key themes that may help us in the new environment are partnerships, strategic messaging, legitimacy, information sharing, decision advantage, technology, attribution, and tempo. But, in much of the Asia-Pacific region, people are more likely to evaluate the U.S. economic influence positively than the Chinese, or at least to see them comparably. China has targeted countries such as the Philippines for their challenges to Chinas maritime claims and Norway for its alleged intrusion in Chinese domestic politics for the awarding of a Nobel Peace Prize to dissident Liu Xiaobo. Majorities in the sub-Saharan African countries surveyed say Chinese influence is positive, especially in Nigeria, where about seven-in-ten hold this opinion. The leadership is aware of the problems but is not necessarily responding with the right remedies. Fortunately, the recent designation of information as a new joint function helped to shed some clarity on the difference in terms. Those in the Asia-Pacific region are more likely than not to describe U.S. economic influence in their country in positive terms. Economic coercion will be part of this.". Please support our research with a financial contribution. It should consider strengthening anti-boycott statutes and authorizing funding to compensate targets of Chinese coercive measures, at home and abroad. Conversely, those in Latin America are more likely to see influence from the U.S. And, in the Middle East and North Africa, those in Israel and Turkey are more likely to identify influence from the U.S., with a difference of about 20 points or more. 107-56, 107th Cong., October 26, 2001, available at . WebWithout power, a nation has no means to implement its plan to achieve its objectives. Across the 16 nations asked, a median of 63% say China has a great deal or fair amount of influence.1. All three sub-Saharan African publics surveyed are more likely to see Chinese economic influence, with about a 10-point difference in Nigeria and South Africa. Planners and commanders are tasked with implementing the concept of global integration and executing different types of missions across the spectrum that will be transnational, all domain, and multifunctional, so agility is key. A median of 41% across the 14 EU member nations surveyed name China, compared with a median of 39% who say the same about the United States. %PDF-1.5 As with all instruments of power, there is overlap, but the major difference is in the purpose, players, audience, and activities involved in each instrument. WebNATOs deterrence and defence posture is based on, among other factors, an effective combination of cutting-edge weapons systems and platforms, and forces trained to work together seamlessly. endobj Power sets the parameters on each action or set of actions between political entities. YM0p@je+|>rCBXBI8#P4/my}J&enhu-t.s 7fyH&U%-ESE1Iz"#YZe[` Y*d8_l"{T/! Washington, DC 20319-5066. Yet, the fact that China often relies on informal or extralegal measures to implement its economic coercion, the lack of a coordinated U.S. government response, and major methodological differences between Chinese and U.S. approaches to economic coercion have resulted in relatively limited study of this tool. Economic coercion will be part of this. WebThe military instrument of national power can be used in a wide variety of ways that vary in purpose, scale, risk, and combat intensity. But in South Korea and Japan, upwards of nine-in-ten say both superpowers have a great deal of influence. Ukrainians say the U.S. is dominant by a margin of 22 points, while Russians choose China by 33 points. South Koreans are also more likely to name the U.S. as the worlds leading economy this year compared with last year (up 15 percentage points). However, intelligence can be broadly broken down into three parts: activities, products, and organizations. These various ways can be understood to occur across a continuum of conflict ranging from peace to war. The U.S. and China are tied in Lebanon, with a third naming each as the top economy. People who said that China or the U.S. had at least some influence on economic conditions of their country were also asked to rate that influence as either positive of negative. Emily Kilcrease. For the State and Defense Departments, integrating all four elements of national power to achieve optimal negotiation outcomes is a highly complex and increasingly important requirement to achieve US strategic objectives given the disappearance of unconditional surrender and its nearly unlimited diplomatic yield to victorious states. The U.S. Congress should specifically highlight Chinese economic coercion through hearings and.... Korea and Japan, upwards of nine-in-ten say both superpowers have a great deal or fair amount influence.1. 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